| Get Jonathan Bernstein's newsletter every morning in your inbox. Click here to subscribe. The Senate has three choices for how to organize the second impeachment trial of Donald Trump. Two of them make sense. The Washington Post's Greg Sargent lays out the case for one of the sensible plans: Begin the impeachment in committee. As Sargent explains, that would offer an opportunity to present the evidence in depth, and to put it on the public record — all without threatening the ability of the full Senate to get things done. Remember, this isn't just about the events of Jan. 6. The article of impeachment covers Trump's entire scheme to undermine the legitimate election results, eventually including inciting insurrection. Some of those details are well known, such as Trump's call to Georgia's secretary of state asking him to "find" votes. Some of them are just emerging now. Some of the key players haven't talked for the record at all, and certainly not under oath. The second good option? The Senate could do what it did in Bill Clinton's impeachment trial. Back then, the Senate took depositions from witnesses, and then the House managers and Clinton's lawyers were able to play video excerpts during the trial. A fully transparent committee would be better, but at least the Senate in this scenario could do the necessary fact-finding outside of the formal trial setting. The worst option, unfortunately, appears to be where we're headed. That would be rushing through a trial that has no new fact-finding process and does very little to illuminate how the assault on the Capitol actually happened. Yes, 45 Republicans have already gone on record to say that Trump can't be convicted in an impeachment trial after leaving office. (Technically, they voted against tabling — or stopping consideration of — Senator Rand Paul's point of order, and haven't yet voted directly on the underlying claim.) That makes conviction unlikely. But that's all the more reason to construct a very public, and reasonably detailed, record of exactly what Trump did wrong. After all, there's no real rush to complete this process, as long as the procedures can be arranged so that it doesn't interfere with the other important business of Congress. And it shouldn't. Remember: The Constitution is clear that both chambers make their own rules. Given that the subject of impeachment is in large part the former president's role in sparking an assault on those chambers, it's only proper that they create processes that fulfill their interests — and the interests of the United States. The Senate should slow down and get it right. 1. Kate Lowe, Sarah Reckhow and Andrea Benjamin at the Monkey Cage on transportation funding. 2. Steven Taylor argues that voting isn't a solution to various messes. Vote! By all means. But I agree it's not the answer to everything. 3. Kevin Drum on the vaccine and understanding a very large nation. 4. Tim Reid on the veterans of George W. Bush's administration leaving the Republican Party. 5. And Erin Kissane and Alexis Madrigal announce the wind-down of the amazing Covid Tracking Project. We all owe a big debt to those involved. Get Early Returns every morning in your inbox. Click here to subscribe. Also subscribe to Bloomberg All Access and get much, much more. You'll receive our unmatched global news coverage and two in-depth daily newsletters, the Bloomberg Open and the Bloomberg Close. | 
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