| Get Jonathan Bernstein's newsletter every morning in your inbox. Click here to subscribe. I'm of several minds about the decision by House Democrats to punish Georgia Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene by stripping her of her committee seats. On Thursday, a united Democratic caucus was joined by 11 House Republicans in taking the unusual step.
On the one hand, Greene certainly deserved everything she received, and more. She's a disgrace to the House.
On the other hand, I've seen several congressional scholars express discomfort with the path Democrats chose to discipline Greene, and I share that view. The norm for a long time has been that the parties, not the House majority, determine which members sit on what committees. After all, there's no constitutional requirement that the minority party have seats on committees at all (and indeed, the entire tradition of standing committees is extra-constitutional). All in all, I agree with those who suggest that the better approach would've been to attempt to expel Greene — the Constitution allows them to do so by a two-thirds vote — and assuming that was unsuccessful, to then vote on a resolution of censure, which would need only a simple majority. It's not hard to conclude that Democrats, scarred by the attack on the Capitol and the increasing radicalism of some House Republicans, and frustrated by their inability to hold former President Donald Trump responsible for his actions, were looking for something they could actually do about it all. Stripping Greene of her committee seats may not be much; it's hard to believe she's interested in legislating anyway, and she'll certainly raise plenty of money off the controversy. But at least it's something tangible, unlike a censure resolution. And you know what? If they're in need of a scapegoat, Greene makes a perfectly deserving one. Democrats can't exactly punish all of the House Republicans who voted to overturn election results even after the mob had overrun the Capitol. They can't, and they shouldn't, punish every radical Republican who has stepped far over the line of responsible differences of opinion. The judicial system will deal with the insurrectionists themselves, but the House has no direct role in those cases. Scapegoating isn't ideal, and it certainly isn't sufficient (a full investigation of the events of Jan. 6 is still needed). But it's something. And it's probably harmless. Republicans can threaten to retaliate, but even if they do so it's highly unlikely to produce a breakdown in the committee system. And if Republicans don't like it? They can ask themselves why they refused to sanction Greene themselves. And they can start standing up to the radicals in their party. If they had done that in Greene's case, then Democrats wouldn't have had reason to act in the first place. 1. Sarah Binder at the Monkey Cage on reconciliation. 2. Dave Hopkins on what Biden's administration so far tells us about an old, and now obsolete, Washington consensus. 3. Lara Brown on the precarious position of the Republican Party. 4. Anne Joseph O'Connell on the Biden's placeholders in the executive branch. 5. Molly Ball on the campaign to protect the 2020 election. 6. And Fred Kaplan on Biden's foreign-policy speech. Get Early Returns every morning in your inbox. Click here to subscribe. Also subscribe to Bloomberg All Access and get much, much more. You'll receive our unmatched global news coverage and two in-depth daily newsletters, the Bloomberg Open and the Bloomberg Close. | 
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